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Garzón defends that Sumar strengthens itself by marking positive differences with the PSOE after its "meritorious" result

Praise the figure of Díaz and celebrate the mobilization in an appointment that seemed like a "perfect storm" for the alternative left.

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Garzón defends that Sumar strengthens itself by marking positive differences with the PSOE after its "meritorious" result

Praise the figure of Díaz and celebrate the mobilization in an appointment that seemed like a "perfect storm" for the alternative left

MADRID, 28 Jul. (EUROPA PRESS) -

The federal coordinator of IU, Alberto Garzón, has highlighted that Sumar has the goal, once the general ones are overcome, of reinforcing itself from autonomy and positive differentiation with respect to the PSOE, to aspire to establish itself as the European reference of the transformative left.

All this in the face of a "meritorious" electoral result on 23J that had the risk of becoming a "perfect storm", in view of the "serious problems" suffered by the "base" space of Unidas Podemos as a result of 28M, where it disappeared from several parliaments autonomous, the appeal to the useful vote harangued by the PSOE and in full advance of the rights in the local and autonomous elections.

This is reflected in the draft of the report on the political situation after the 23J elections, to which Europa Press has had access, which Garzón will transfer this Friday to the Federal Coordinator of IU, the highest executive body of the formation.

In this document, Garzón points out that the IU has played an important role in the "return" in the general elections and will also leave its stamp on the new legislature with its five deputies within the future Sumar parliamentary group.

In turn, it claims that the 31 seats in the Sumar coalition are decisive in forming a new coalition government. "We continue to be top-level protagonists no matter what happens in our country. For this very reason, qualitatively it is a good result," emphasizes the head of Consumption.

However, the IU coordinator states that a crucial objective of Sumar will also be to "reinforce" its "autonomy" as a political space, especially after the rise of bipartisanship (PP and PSOE) that achieved 64.7% of the vote when in 2019 they remained at 49.2%, largely due to the disappearance of Ciudadanos from the national scene and the trend of "bibloquism" that encouraged the largest forces to vote usefully in the event of a "technical tie."

Thus, he continues his analysis, calls to "pamper" the "differentiating" attributes with respect to the socialists, with a political and government action that influences what positive measures for the country only from the presence of Sumar. He even proclaims that he can establish himself as the "hope of the European left" by configuring himself as a "broad, diverse and democratic political space".

Then, it guarantees that the IU will work to form a new coalition Executive supported by the "plurinational bloc", which translates the popular will "into a new correlation of forces within the State" and transforms a progressive "historical mobilization" into " ambitious progress" after "salvaging an electoral dispute that seemed impossible.

He also reflects on the construction of Sumar headed by the second acting vice president, Yolanda Díaz, whose figure is valued as "outstanding" in IU, managed to unite a split left in recent years, with a "record" agreement in terms of time and number of political formations.

And despite the fact that the electoral advance "caught them with their homework to do" and that the confluence process was not the "best possible", acknowledging the difficulties that a unity project entailed, this motivated "to finish once and for all with the internal tensions to necessarily arrive" at the pact.

"Sumar's situation in the face of the campaign was, as we say, a 'perfect storm'. To the common difficulties of the coalition government, Sumar added some particular ones: the weakness of the structural position for years of the space of the transformative left, the serious problems of the space-base of Unidas Podemos, which only a few weeks before had disappeared in some territories, a plebiscite campaign that appealed to the useful vote or the previously mentioned internal difficulties", summarizes Garzón.

Likewise, it exposes that IU proposed to face the electoral appointment with a first phase of recognition to the base voter of United We Can to increase fidelity and "reduce leaks" to the PSOE, promote greater differentiation with the socialists to "weaken the temptation of the useful vote" , prioritize the proposals and build a "greater antagonism" with the popular candidate, Alberto Núñez Feijóo.

And although he detected that the first weeks of the pre-campaign it was difficult to enter the "fight", Garzón points out that the 'three' debate on July 19 was essential to position himself as an alternative, since Díaz combined his "recognized solvency" with a "more belligerent" against Abascal and Feijóo, recovering ground in the last week.

Of the rest of the candidacies, the IU leader highlights that the Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez, brought forward the elections to close any internal debate within the PSOE after 28M and catch the right "unaware", with a "risky" strategy of converting the elections in a referendum on his figure, to bet "everything on red" and fight "anti-Sanchismo" although he suffered the setback in the 'face to face' after Feijóo prevailed.

However, the victory in that debate was at the cost of the "credibility" of the leader of the PP, who together with "Trumpist strategies" and the "abuse of lies" sowed the conditions for his "final defeat", given that the campaign It became like a "referendum on Feijóo", where "every mistake by the right-wing candidate was double penalized" subjected to "meticulous public scrutiny".

"He ended up scorched by the media focus as a result of his excessive role," he points out to emphasize that the PP's commitment to face the campaign as the "inevitable" winner by being the "lesser evil" collapsed, since paradoxically it only served to mobilize the left.

"In contexts of ideological polarization and a tie between two blocs, the famous vote for the 'winning horse' not only does not exist, but it turns against it (...) the belligerent and unjustified criticism of the right-wing turned against it", delve.