'The Economist' relates the concern about the absence of Mohamed VI in his country: "We are going on an airplane without a pilot"

The Majzen tries to counteract the influence of the Azaitar brothers on the monarch

MADRID, 14 Abr. (EUROPA PRESS) -

Mohamed VI's prolonged stays outside Morocco are causing concern in the country, especially among the Majzen, as the shadow power exercised by the king's entourage is known, given the vast powers that the sovereign enjoys at one time in which the country is going through bleak economic conditions.

"We are going in a plane without a pilot", summarizes a former senior official in statements to the weekly 'The Economist', which in its latest issue has published an extensive article under the title 'The mystery of the disappeared king of Morocco', in which another The former official points out that the monarch spent about 200 days outside the country last year.

Mohamed VI was in France for five months last year, arguing that he wanted to be closer to his convalescent mother and that she lives in Neuilly, near Paris. The monarch has two residences in France, a mansion near the Eiffel Tower

This year he has spent three months in Gabon, where he has a residence in Pointe Denis. The monarch was precisely in this country when the High Level Meeting (RAN) between Spain and Morocco took place on February 1 and 2 in Rabat, which is why he did not receive the Prime Minister, Pedro Sánchez.

The king's public agenda is scarce, beyond unavoidable appointments on his agenda, such as the Throne Party at the end of August, or the commemoration of the Green March in November. In fact, the Moroccans had not seen their monarch since he celebrated with them in the streets of Rabat the victory of the Moroccan team over Spain in the World Cup in Qatar last December, until his return to the country last month on the occasion of the Ramadan, since it is also a commander of the believers.

"He is not interested in power, the only thing he wants to control is his life", sums up a 'courtier' to 'The Economist', in whose article he reviews the harsh childhood of Mohamed VI, closely marked by his strict father Hassan II, and how his going abroad to continue studying meant a liberation, despite the control that the then king tried to impose on him, even sending the Minister of the Interior.

After acceding to the throne on the death of his father in 1999, Mohamed VI made some modernizing changes in the kingdom, distancing himself from his father and dismissing many of those who then made up his 'court' to name friends and people he trusted, who completed in 2011 thus quelling before an 'Arab Spring' could ensue in Morocco.

However, he soon made it clear that his interests were more mundane, relating in particular to characters from the musical world. "The older you get, the younger you behave," a childhood friend admits to 'The Economist'. The sovereign's increasingly dissolute life was also beginning to take its toll on the physical plane, as he gained considerable weight and was frequently seen wearing sunglasses.

The irruption of the Azaitar brothers in his life in 2018 would be the turning point. The three brothers, born in Germany but to Moroccan parents, have practically become a second family to the king, in particular Abu Azaitar, a mixed martial arts champion.

The three accompany the king on many of his trips and Mohamed VI has shown great deference to them, who have acquired homes and businesses in the kingdom and frequently flaunt their privileged status. "They have carte blanche to use the palace as they want," acknowledges a person from the royal environment.

The proximity of the Azaitar brothers to Mohamed VI has generated clear concern in the Majzen, among other things because Abu Azaitar has a criminal record and spent two years in prison. "They boss the ministers around," a "courtier" complains to the weekly, while a businessman notes that "they treat provincial governors like their drivers." "The king has made it very clear to all ministers that they can speak on his behalf," said a former friend of the monarch.

The influence of the three brothers is such that they even decide who Mohamed VI receives, which has meant that on occasion high officials have found themselves with the door in their faces. "They even ask their sisters and cousins ​​to leave," highlights a former member of the circle closest to the Palace.

Thus, from the Majzen an attempt has been made to counteract this phenomenon in recent times through some articles in the related press to question his reputation and his criminal record. In one of them, published by Hespress, his influence was equated with that of Rasputin.

"These virulent articles were undoubtedly inspired by the Majzen in order to marginalize them but it has not had an effect," Ali Amar, director of the digital media outlet leDesk, admits to the newspaper 'Le Figaro', in an article published by the French outlet this week , in which it also affects the "intriguing and opaque" way of governing Mohamed VI.

Attempts to reason with the Alawite king seem to have fallen on deaf ears. In his environment they have attributed his absence for five months last year to the fact that he was angry and did not want them to continue giving him lessons about his life from the Majzen. "He sees the Majzen as the enemy," explains a confidant, since "it is the first time he has gone against it."

The sources consulted by 'The Economist' indicate that he is becoming more irascible as his isolation increases and that he speaks badly to the few people who get to see him. In recent months he has been absent from some important events, such as the funeral of Elizabeth II or the Arab League summit in Algiers, to which his attendance was confirmed.

Mohamed VI is the head of the armed forces, the highest judicial authority in the country and has the power to dismiss Parliament by decree. Although the country is a parliamentary monarchy, the monarch has the last word on big issues, including his foreign policy.

The country's economic situation is delicate. The sharp rise in food prices (more than 18.2%) has generated discomfort among citizens, some of whom went out to demonstrate last Saturday in various cities in the country, including Rabat, Casablanca or Tangier called by a coalition of leftist parties.

Despite everything, 'The Economist' points out that few Moroccans dare to speak of "abdication" although they have begun to opt for the euphemism of the "Spanish model" in reference to the fact that Juan Carlos I was pushed to abdicate in favor of his son in 2014 However, there is no coincidence in who should be the new king since some opt for Prince Mulay Hassan, 19 years old and Mohamed VI's eldest son, while others favor the monarch's younger brother, Mulay Rachid.

'Le Figaro' also refers in its article to the rumors about a possible abdication that circulated five years ago but which have since dissipated and maintains that the eldest son of Mohamed VI does not seem ready yet to be able to reign.

Thus, a confidant warns 'The Economist' that the tug of war with the Majzen will continue as long as the Azaitar brothers are not accepted. The weekly specifies that some of Mohamed VI's advisers speak even at times of greatest tension about the dismissal of those responsible for security, including the head of Intelligence, Abdellatif Hammouchi, who would be behind the smear campaign, and even maintains that "a military coup is not unthinkable".