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Can be worse than 1968

The best musical filmtipsene the united STATES soon as in the joints. It is not the first time. This week, with riots in all major american cities, where ame

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Can be worse than 1968
The best musical filmtipsene

the united STATES soon as in the joints. It is not the first time. This week, with riots in all major american cities, where americans can sit and look at the police that following a low-fat on the loose on the frustrated protesters, has led many to think of 1968, one of the most tempestuous years in America's history. It was also a year when the suppressed fury and frustration came back and normal guidelines were put out of the game, then maktesløsheten many felt in the face of the government had expired in the streets. A question is whether it happened in 1968 may give some better understanding of what happens in 2020.

In a way was what happened in 1968 a specifically american chaos. There were major contradictions between them that had felt at home in eisenhower's sedate and pyntelige the united STATES, and those who felt that it was a world where they were not expected and were not free: Black americans, young idealists, women would live in places other than behind the white stakittgjerdet. John F. Kennedy's election victory had given hope for a new and better world, borgerrettighetslovene which was signed in 1964 was the result of black amerikaneres long and hard battle for equality.

But then, it was as if the world was not better anyway. Kennedy was shot in Dallas, the systematic racism persisted. In the new year in 1968 was the americans driven back in Vietnam, of the so-called Tet-offensive, and the war that was consuming more and more life was increasingly seen as a deadly hoax. In april was borgerrettighetslederen Martin Luther King, jr. shot and killed in June the same thing happened with Robert Kennedy, after he had taken the lead in the democratic primaries.

For the progressive changes in the united STATES, which had believed in reform and progress, so it's getting darker out: Americans were still oppressed at home and killed in other countries, and it was impossible to get to changes and replacements of the established ways. Under the democratic united in august, when vice president Hubert Humphries was selected to the presidential candidate, were the streets outside full of shouting protesters.

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There is much here that can remind about 2020. Hope that was a central part of Barack obama's election campaigns and the presidency was a result of a hard reaction and a successor who has set himself to obliterate everything its predecessor got. The murder of George Floyd blottstiller a country that kills its own young men, and where the government either can or will put a stop to it. Then, as now, the americans also cope with an economic crisis and an epidemic on top of the strong tensions in the society; then as now they can let themselves atsprede of a rakettoppskyting before it happens on the ground floor again consumes the attention.

But this is also a general history of what can happen when the contradictions become too great in a society. It is a violent, visible conflict between the radical and the conservative. On the one hand, there are those who feel that the status quo is intolerable: Something must happen! It must be better! On the other hand, there are those who fear the unknown more than it composed: We must take care that we have! It can be worse! The last group are often those who do not have known structural injustice on the body, and do not have reason to feel threatened by the system as much as by the protests against the system. Such situations create great opportunities for the one who can be a credible representative of law and order.

In the election of 1968 couldn't Humphries to cope up with the republican Richard Nixon, who was running hard on that he represented a return to normal and stable. The last few days have Donald Trump borrowed rhetoric from just Nixon, among other things, in the appeal to the "silent majority", to present itself as a champion of a broad and peace-loving people, who stand up against uromomentene in the outskirts. The Trump reminds the most about, is perhaps still not Nixon, but George Wallace.

Wallace was the former governor of Georgia who also stood as a candidate for president in 1968. He was openly racist and won in five of the southern states, enough to ensure that the Humphreys loss against Nixon was humiliating big. Wallace used the megaphone where Nixon used hundefløyte. He got his voters to fear that their lives would be irrevocably changed if not caused the dissent movements was turned down hard.

Perhaps it is this is Donald Trump has in mind when he gets chased away protesters with tear gas and hausser up krigsretorikken on Twitter. But there is a significant difference between him and both Nixon and Wallace. Trump is no longer the outsider, he is the responsible commander in chief.

like so many populister he continues to talk as if he is the opposition when he is in position, and trying to misrepresent it as if he still fights against an established maktinstans, in the media and in the bureaucracy. Kjernevelgerne his parts this verdenssynet entirely, but it is not they that determine the choice. He will not necessarily succeed with the same procedure as a Nixon or Wallace.

another difference, as the political commentator Ezra Klein has pointed out, provide more reasons for pessimism. Klein has written about how the frustrations in 1968 was more related to the political environment as such, where the democrats and republicans made their compromises in a fairly konsensuspreget bubble where the voices from the ground floor failed to penetrate. Now, the country is in a greater degree divided into two blocks, which are separated politically, socially and culturally, and that has everything to serve to hausse up the contradictions among themselves. The vertical distinction has become more important than the horizontal divider, and it is this line that perhaps even more than the time threatens to tear the country in two.

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